Aegean Bronze Age

The Ancient City of Troy: A Historical Enigma

The Hisarlik excavations explained: the many layers of Troy, the digs from Schliemann to the present, and what archaeology can and cannot say about a Trojan War.

On this page
  1. A real place with a famous name
  2. Why so many layers?
  3. The excavators
  4. The lower town
  5. Troy in Hittite records
  6. What about the destructions?
  7. What is, and is not, established

A real place with a famous name

Troy was a real settlement. Its remains lie at a mound called Hisarlik, near the Dardanelles in north-western Turkey, and most scholars accept that this is the place the Greeks later knew as Troy or Ilion. What is uncertain is how much of Homer’s story, composed centuries after the Bronze Age, reflects events there. Archaeology can describe the city, its walls and its destructions, but it cannot confirm names such as Priam or Agamemnon, and it has not produced a clear record of a war between Greeks and Trojans. The narrative itself belongs to the Greek epic tradition and is not repeated here.

Why so many layers?

People lived at Hisarlik for roughly three and a half thousand years, building on top of earlier ruins until a mound formed. Archaeologists divide the deposits into nine main phases, numbered Troy I to Troy IX, with many sub-phases. This sequence is a good illustration of tell stratigraphy: later builders levelled and reused earlier structures, so reading the mound depends on careful recording of layers.

In rough terms:

  • Troy I to V: early Bronze Age settlements, beginning around 3000 BCE.
  • Troy VI: a prosperous Late Bronze Age citadel, roughly 1750 to 1300 BCE, with massive walls and large buildings.
  • Troy VII: a later phase, including VIIa, which ended in burning around the late thirteenth or early twelfth century BCE.
  • Troy VIII and IX: a small Greek settlement and then the Roman town of Ilium.

All dates are approximate and are still refined using pottery and radiocarbon dating.

The excavators

Frank Calvert, a British resident of the area who owned part of the mound, suspected that Hisarlik was Troy and dug trial trenches before the better-known excavations began. Heinrich Schliemann, a wealthy German businessman, worked at the site from 1870 and then on a larger scale in the 1870s and again in 1890. His methods were crude even by the standards of his own time, and he cut a deep trench through the mound that removed much of the upper evidence. He also identified the wrong layer: he treated Troy II, which is about a thousand years older than any plausible Trojan War, as Homer’s city.

Wilhelm Dorpfeld, who joined him in the 1880s, continued with better stratigraphic care, and in the 1890s he concentrated on the Troy VI citadel. Carl Blegen of the University of Cincinnati led careful work in the 1930s, and argued that the burnt phase Troy VIIa was a better match for a war. Manfred Korfmann of Tubingen began a new programme in 1988 and directed it until his death in 2005. Excavations have since continued under Turkish teams, with attention to conservation and visitors.

The lower town

For a long time Troy was imagined as a hilltop citadel only. Korfmann’s team used geophysical survey and excavation to argue that a much larger lower town lay south of the citadel in the Late Bronze Age, protected by a ditch. This idea changed the image of the city from a fortress to a sizeable urban centre. Some scholars have questioned the size and the interpretation of the ditch, so the extent of the settlement remains debated. It is a good example of how new archaeological methods, including remote survey, change old pictures.

Troy in Hittite records

A different line of evidence comes from the Hittite archives. Hittite documents from the Late Bronze Age mention a western Anatolian land called Wilusa, which many scholars consider to be the same name as Ilios, the Greek name of Troy. A treaty with a ruler named Alaksandu of Wilusa is known, and some researchers have noted the resemblance to Alexandros, another name for Paris in Homer. The identification is plausible but not proven.

The same records mention a people called the Ahhiyawa, who are often thought to be Mycenaean Greeks. If so, they show Greek-speaking people in contact, and sometimes in tension, with the Hittite kingdom and its vassals on the Anatolian coast. That supports the idea that conflict in the region was real. It does not show that a single great expedition took place. For the wider question of a Late Bronze Age conflict and the long Homeric historicity debate, the main point is that scholars disagree.

What about the destructions?

Troy VI was damaged around 1300 BCE, and many archaeologists attribute this to an earthquake rather than an enemy. Troy VIIa ended in a fire and shows signs of crowded storage inside the walls, which Blegen read as preparation for siege. Others point out that burning could have many causes, and that arrowheads and skeletons found do not by themselves prove a famous war. Late Bronze Age destruction at Troy also happened within a wider period of upheaval around the eastern Mediterranean, when many palaces and cities were destroyed or abandoned, so it cannot be read in isolation.

What is, and is not, established

Broadly agreed:

  • Hisarlik was a long-lived and important fortified settlement.
  • A major Late Bronze Age city existed there, in contact with the Hittite world and the Aegean.
  • It suffered destruction more than once.

Not established:

  • That any destruction layer corresponds to the event told by Homer.
  • That named heroes lived there.
  • That the poem preserves a historical sequence rather than a mixture of memory and storytelling.

Good scholarship sits between the extremes of dismissing the poem completely and treating it as a field report. Troy remains a place where archaeology and legend overlap, and that is the reason it remains debated.

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